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ASnA Reviewers
Guidelines for Reviewers (download)
Anthropology Southern Africa uses the double-blind reviewing system for all research articles submitted for consideration.
Reviewers are requested to provide scholarly reviews that are unbiased, clear and grounded in knowledge of the subject matter at hand. The reviews provide the necessary standard by which both authors and editors can justify the publication of material that would increase knowledge and debate in the region and subject matter. Reviewers are encouraged to be sufficiently detailed in their comments and edits of the document to assist especially emerging scholars, although editors engage intensively with these authors to assist them in preparing their papers for publication.
1. Journal’s aims and scope
The journal aims to promote anthropology in Southern Africa, to support ethnographic and theoretical research, and to provide voices to public debates. Anthropology Southern Africa is committed to contemporary perspectives in social and cultural anthropology and in relevant interdisciplinary scholarship. It looks at the current conditions in post-colonial Southern African, African, and Global society, and aims to provide insightful ethnographic knowledge concerning the challenges of poverty, inequality, migration, and identity, among others.
(http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?show=aimsScope&journalCode=rasa20).
2. Journal’s editorial policy
Anthropology Southern Africa welcomes the submission of papers based on original research that deals with broadly defined anthropological and ethnographic issues in Southern Africa. Preference is given to submissions presenting new empirical materials and novel theoretical or methodological directions in the region, although we do consider papers based elsewhere in Africa. Authors are encouraged to write in a style accessible to non-specialists.
3. Structure
Anthropology Southern Africa does not have a fixed or set structure for papers and authors are generally free to use their own outline. Papers should centralise the argument and aspects such as literature review, methodology, results should be worked into the argument and not necessarily presented as separate sections. Reviews should assess whether authors have addressed the following:
- Is there a clear structure to the paper?
- Is the introduction sufficiently strong to give readers a basis from which to understand the rest? ❖ Does the order of paragraphs and sections need to change in order to make better sense?
- Does the conclusion work?
- Do the abstract and the paper correlate?
4. Argument
- Is there a clear argument?
- Is the argument succinctly presented, backed up and woven into the text?
- Are theory and data linked well? Does the paper present sufficient evidence to substantiate its claims?
- Does the argument have merit in terms of relevant and up-to-date literature on the specific topic at hand?
- Does the author avoid concepts and principles that are rooted in divisions of race, gender, class, ethnicity or coloniality?
5. Theory and literature
Authors are encouraged to ensure theoretical clarity in their paper and to provide sufficient engagement with theory regarding ethnography and anthropology in the post-colony, and within African Studies as a whole.
The journal strives for theory and literature to become inclusive of minority voices, take cognisance of intersectionality, strive for equity and be inclusive of different forms of knowledge. Reviewers are requested to evaluate how the paper speaks to these aspects.
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Is there a clear theory on which to base an argument?
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Is the theory anthropological or ethnographic in nature?
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Is the theory relevant to address concerns in the African sub-continent?
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Is the theory sufficiently rigorous and extensive?
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Does the manuscript consider the newest or most relevant literature and debates?
6. Methodology
Authors are expected to address ethnographic and anthropological issues in the wider subcontinent and should specifically speak to methodological issues that are relevant to the discipline. Thus:
- Is the methodology anthropological in nature or does it speak to anthropological methods?
- Is the methodology described in such a way that it backs up the claims made in the paper?
7. Language and Grammar
Authors are encouraged to use language that is clear and easily understandable. All accepted submissions undergo an editorial process and careful copy-editing before publication. Reviewers are requested to draw the editor’s attention to any aspect relating to language and grammar that require particular attention during this process.
8. Ethical guidelines
Authors publishing with ASNA are required to reflect research and craft their writing output in line with the ethical standards officially set out by the Anthropology Southern Africa association in 2005 (ASNA 2005).
Reviewers are requested to flag any ethical issues, in particular regarding participant anonymity or unethical conduct in the field, that arise from the paper.
9. Reviewer conflict of interest
Reviewers are requested to immediately inform the editor if any of the following situations regarding the paper under review applies:
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you have been involved with the research mentioned in the paper;
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you are a colleague in the same department/section/organisation unit as the author/s;
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you are a supervisor or in some way involved in the supervision of the author/s of this study;
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you have been supervised by the author/s of this study;
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you have received or are receiving a professional or personal or financial benefit resulting from the study; or
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you have a private or personal interest, including a closer relationship, that could compromise, or have the appearance of compromising, professional judgement and integrity.
10. Scholar One
Our electronic platform is easy and accessible to use. Below please find an example of the “Reviewer Score Sheet” used in ScholarOne Manuscripts (https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/rasa) through which we request you to submit your evaluation.
11. Assistance
If you experience any problems, please contact the editorial assistant at asaedassistant@gmail.com.
12. Reviewer resources
https://editorresources.taylorandfrancis.com/reviewer-guidelines/
https://editorresources.taylorandfrancis.com/reviewer-guidelines/peer-review-training/
References
ASNA (Anthropology Southern Africa). 2005. “Ethical Guidelines and Principles of Conduct for Anthropologists.” Anthropology Southern Africa 28 (3&4): 142–143. https://doi.org/10.1080/23323256.2005.11499924
Example Reviewer score sheet
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By reviewing this manuscript, you agree for your review comments to be seen confidentially by editors of other related Taylor & Francis journals if the manuscript is rejected and subsequently transferred. This supports a system of portable peer review.
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Would you be willing to review a revision of this manuscript?
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ASnA Journal Constitution
CONSTITUTION OF ANTHROPOLOGY SOUTHERN AFRICA 1. NAME The name of the journal, Anthropology Southern Africa, is determined by the Council of the Anthropology Southern Africa association. 2. AIMS AND SCOPE Anthropology Southern Africa (ASnA) is the peer-reviewed journal of the Anthropology Southern Africa association (ASnA). Formerly the South African Journal of Ethnology (1978– 2001), the journal changed name and focus in 2002. The journal aims to promote anthropology |
in Southern Africa, to support ethnographic and theoretical research, and to provide a platform for public debate to anthropologists based in or working on the region. Anthropology Southern Africa is committed to contemporary perspectives in social and cultural anthropology and in relevant interdisciplinary scholarship. The journal publishes work on and from Southern Africa including Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. We occasionally publish material on and from other countries, where this is deemed relevant for Southern African perspectives. The journal publishes peer-reviewed research articles, book reviews, commentary and other material relevant to engaged scholarly discourse within and outside anthropology. The journal is listed in the Thomson Reuters Social Science Citation Index. 3. SUBSCRIPTION All members of the professional association Anthropology Southern Africa receive a subscription to the journal. 3.1. There are four categories of ASnA members: |
3.1.1. Full members are persons who have paid their membership dues and
3.1.1.1hold an honours or higher degree in anthropology, or equivalent |
qualification or achievement as determined by the ASnA Council, and |
are not studying full-time; or |
or are engaged in advanced research under the auspices of such institution, or a similar institution as determined by Council; or 3.1.1.3 have completed a final year degree course, or equivalent qualification, in anthropology and who, in terms of their career, are involved in a field of anthropology on a continuous basis. |
3.1.2 Honorary members are persons who are appointed by Council on the grounds |
of having distinguished themselves in the field of anthropology, or related fields, |
and/or promoted the objectives of the Association in a special way. All |
members of the journal’s Editorial Board are honorary members of ASnA. |
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3.1.3 Associated members are persons interested in anthropology and who have paid the appropriate membership dues.
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3.1.4 Student members are persons registered for an undergraduate or postgraduate course in anthropology at an institution of higher learning who do not meet the requirements for full membership and have paid the appropriate membership dues.
3.2 Universities, institutions, libraries and private individuals can also subscribe to the |
journal through commercial agreements with the publisher, Taylor and Francis. |
4. MANAGEMENT 4.1 Editors |
The editorial collective, consisting of three editors, is responsible for managing and |
maintaining the journal.
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they may not serve in the same position for more than five years.
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4.1.8.1 The term of the editor expires; or
4.1.8.2 An editor resigns, with an appropriate hand-over period; or
4.1.8.3 The Editorial Board, in conjunction with the remaining editors and the ASnA Council, terminates an editor’s term because of consistent poor performance or a dereliction of duty. The affected editor will be given the opportunity to present their case to the Editorial Board, the remaining editors and the ASnA Council.
4.2 Editorial Assistant
The editorial collective is supported in its duties by an editorial assistant.
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4.2.3 The editorial assistant is responsible for: |
4.2.3.1 Assistance of the editors in the day-to-day administration of the journal, |
by mutual agreement and with regular feed-back. 4.2.3.2 Liaison with Taylor and Francis on day-to-day administrative issues; and with NISC, the local arm of Taylor and Francis, on production issues. 4.2.3.3 Managing of submissions on ScholarOne Manuscripts. 4.2.3.4 Correspondence with authors. |
4.3 Editorial Board
4.3.1 The Editorial Board is appointed by the ASnA Council and the editorial |
collective, who see to it that the requirements for the appointment and |
composition of the Board are adhered to.
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4.3.3.1Members should be drawn from anthropologists working in a |
professional capacity, whether at universities, public research organisations or |
private companies. |
4.3.3.2The Editorial Board shall aim to fairly represent scholars from international and Southern African institutions. 4.3.3.3 The Editorial Board shall aim to contain at least one representative from each country in Southern Africa. 4.3.3.4The Editorial Board shall aim to represent gender, race and generational differences fairly and equitably. 4.3.3.5 The Editorial Board shall invite former editors to sit on the board in an ex-officio capacity for one term. |
4.3.4 Membership to the Editorial Board is limited to a term of four years but may be |
extended by the Council and editorial collective for another term. Members may |
be re-elected to the Editorial Board two years after their previous appointment |
has lapsed.
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Southern Africa. 4.3.6.2 The member has a high professional standing as anthropologist or in a related discipline. 4.3.6.3 The member has made a unique contribution to the journal. 4.3.7 Role of the Editorial Board Members of the Editorial Board may be asked |
4.3.7.9The Editorial Board meets as often as required but at least once annually at the ASnA conference. The meeting may take place by digital |
means. When the Board is not in session, questions or queries may be submitted to the Board members by email for their vote or input. |
4.4 ASnA Council
4.4.1 The ASnA Council may establish an Executive Committee with the power to |
act on behalf of Council in matters relating to the journal. 4.4.2 As the governing body of the Association, Council shall be responsible for the formulation of terms with the publishers and distributors of the journal. |
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4.4.3 Council must control the assets and must manage the financial affairs of the journal and must report annually to the General Meeting after the financial statements have been audited by two full members (appointed by the General Meeting).
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4.4.4 Council may solicit, receive and administer funds in respect of the activities of the journal.
5. ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING
5.1 An annual General Meeting (AGM), chaired by an editor, is held annually at the ASnA conference during which
5.1.1 All reports about the activities of the journal for the previous year are tabled |
and considered. |
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5.2 Any other matter as decided by the meeting or Editorial Board is discussed.
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5.3 A quarter of the members of the Board plus one member constitute a quorum. Should the members present at any meeting not constitute a quorum, that meeting is adjourned until a date and time decided upon by the members present; members present at the subsequent meeting will then form a quorum.
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5.4 The editors notify all Editorial Board members and ASnA Council members of any AGM or Extraordinary Business Meeting and make the agenda of the meeting available to them, at least 10 calendar days prior to the meeting.
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5.5 The Editors may, should they deem it necessary or on a written request of at least one third of Editorial Board members, call for an Extraordinary Business Meeting to deal only with matters listed on the agenda.
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5.6 The editorial assistant, or someone appointed as convenor by the Editorial Board, makes arrangements for any meetings of working groups, established by decision of the AGM.
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5.7 5.7.1 Each member of the Board and each editor has one vote.
5.7.2 Decisions are taken by majority vote unless the constitution determines |
otherwise. In addition to an ordinary vote, the editor-in-chief has a casting vote. |
6. AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION
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6.1 The Constitution may be amended by a two thirds majority decision of the Editorial Board, editors and ASnA Council present at an ordinary or extraordinary Business Meeting, provided that the editorial assistant had notified all members concerned of the intended amendments at least 21 calendar days prior to the meeting.
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6.2 Decisions on amendments may be made via an online forum to which only Editorial Board members, editors and ASnA Council members may have access.
7. DISSOLUTION
7.1 The journal can be dissolved by the ASnA Council after a two-thirds majority vote of the full and honorary members present at an ordinary or Extraordinary Business Meeting during which all responsibilities of the editors and the Editorial Board must be accounted for. The President of the ASnA Council shall have no casting vote. 7.2 The Editorial collective in office at the time of dissolution must give effect to the decision to dissolve. 7.3 In the event of a dissolution, the ASnA Council must dispose of the assets of the journal to any other associations or institutions of a scientific or educational nature within Southern Africa which, in the opinion of the meeting deciding on the dissolution of the journal, have objectives similar to those of the journal or which operate in a manner which would further the objectives for which the journal was established. |
11.11.2015 Draft combined IWV and CVDW feedback
January 2019 CJ changes
June 2021 Additions from Editorial Board Policy document
September 2021 with comments by Shannon Morreira, Ilana van Wyk and Sandra Manuel
9 November 2021 Finalised by editorial collective
4 December 2022 Considered by Editorial Board AGM, approved under condition of changes to clause 4.3.7.3. 22 February 2022 Incorporated changes required by Editorial board. Final, accepted document produced.
Elaine Salo Honours Prize
(RETROSPECTIVE) CALL FOR APPLICATIONS: ELAINE SALO HONOURS ESSAY COMPETITION - 2020, 2021, 2022.
Elaine Salo: 1962–2016
Elaine Rosa Salo trained in anthropology at UCT in the early 1980s. She was a feminist scholar, she completed her PhD at Emory, examining gendered roles in Mannenberg, Cape Town. She was part of UCT's African Gender Institute from 2000 to 2008, before leaving to become director of Women and Gender Studies at the University of Pretoria. She became associate professor in political science and international relations at the University of Delaware in 2014.
The Elaine Salo Honours Prize was introduced in 2016. The prize is awarded to the best student essay submitted by a honours student as a paper at the annual Anthropology Southern Africa conference.
Congratulations to our 2018 winner Aimée Mutabazi
Previous Winners
2018: Aimée Mutabazi
2017: Hestia Victor
2016: Julia Munroe
Chloe Shain
2018 Aimée Gratia Ilibagiza Mutabazi
Biography
Imana yirirwa ahandi igataha iRwanda [God roams elsewhere in the world and returns to rest in Rwanda]. This Rwanda mentioned is the birthplace of Aimée Gratia Ilibagiza Mutabazi who, due to the war in 1994, had to flee it and seek refuge elsewhere in the world. The saying both hints at the importance of Rwanda as the resting place of God and at God’s timeless wondering away from it in the world. This paradoxical contemplation characterizes much of the personal and professional aspirations that Aimée Gratia is drawn to. Currently as a Master of Arts candidate in Anthropology, her academic interests include identity reconstruction amongst Rwandan refugees who live and have grown up in exile. She draws largely from her experience as both Rwandan refugee and South African permanent resident to reflect on the ambivalent feelings of growing up away from home and having to live in different cultural contexts to make sense of life.
Aimée Gratia is a traditional Rwandan dancer in a Johannesburg based refugee cultural group. It is from here that she has drawn much of her creative and intellectual inspiration for her academic and community service work. She is a Mellon Mays fellow and has presented her research at Bowdoin College and Columbia University at summer institutes in the United States. Passionately curious about humanity, Aimée Gratia describes herself as a creatively intuitive person who strives to find collaborations between her African-orientated academic work and broader social, political and artistic spaces. She is also interested in the role of African women in knowledge production as well as their financial emancipation as community builders.
Abstract: Drawing inspiration from critical theorists such as Weheliye (2008) and Nietzsche (1967), in this paper I show how one community of refugees—my own—makes life, time and value beyond the immediate present. I do this through an auto-ethnographic account of Gihozo, a Rwandan traditional dance group in Johannesburg. The paper contributes to a different vantage of discourse on refugees which often centres on their political integration in host countries, and their potential for renewed violence due to ‘anti-social’ behaviour. Popular representations of refugees tend to present them as helpless victims of circumstances beyond their control, while even radical scholars such as Agamben (1998) write of the refugee as the embodiment of ‘bare life’. The voices, narratives and experiences of refugees is often drowned out amongst intervention and integration programs, political policies, and the stamp of humanitarianism which further marginalizes and undermine their agency in creating and determining their identity. Refugee identity and its space in society and discourse is thus often explored so that it may inform how refugees can be pragmatically dealt with, in the places they reside in.
Using the framework of kwitoza (to practise; to exercise), I trace how the participants of Gihozo creatively make the world anew through improvisations with space, the movements of their bodies through dance, and how they engage dialogically with different kinds of audiences that position them in relation to different scales of context. These audiences range from Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) and civil society structures on the one hand; and intra-community functions such as marriage parties and political memorials on the other.
2017 Hestia Victor
Biography
I am currently an MA student in Social Anthropology at the North West University under supervision of Dr André Goodrich. My love for ethnography was sparked when I (with a group of fellow final year students) was assigned to write up the life story of an old ‘coloured’ man who was forcibly removed from his house by the apartheid state during the late 1960’s. The state’s continued violence imposed upon poor South Africans even after the dispersal of the apartheid state stirred me and inspired my current research interests which are in the creative ways people make life among turbulent economies of state abandonment.
My paper for the 2017 Elaine Salo prize is based on my honours research which was supervised by Pia Bombardella. The paper tells the story of how residents in Marikana, a dusty informal settlement outside Potchefstroom, South Africa, utilised DIY-formalisation and auto-constructed water infrastructures to navigate the troubled waters of state abandonment in order to experience and maintain ‘life in this place’. The life that residents experienced was neither ‘romantically’ resilient nor was it ignorant of adversity. I call this buoyant life.
2017 Molebogeng Mokoena
Biography
Molebogeng Mokoena is a student currently completing her honours in anthropology at the University of Pretoria and also tutors first year anthropology students. Her research is centred on the black middle class and their social mobility and she looks at intergenerational wealth transfers within families in Sebokeng, a township in the south of Gauteng
"Inherited inequalities? An ethnography of inheritance and intergenerational wealth transfer in Sebokeng, Emfuleni District Municipality"
Abstract: There is a growing body of research in South Africa focussed on the middle class. Some scholars are focussed on the consumption patterns of the middle class as a way to understand class dynamics and inequality between genders, races and ages in terms of wage differentials. This body of research does not really engage with the issue of intergenerational transfer of wealth. While some scholars write about intergenerational relationships, very little has been written about intergenerational wealth transfers in the black middle class. One of the aims of this research is to contribute to this gap in the literature by exploring social mobility, expectations among the children of teachers (millennials), and cross examining intergenerational wealth transfers between five families in Emfuleni District Municipality. In our public discourse, much is made of popular sentiments such as “the rich get richer and the poor get poorer” but we do not know much about the middle class. This research aims to give insight into this group by using the new perspective of intergenerational wealth transfers. I employed life histories and interviews amongst middle class households in EDM with one or more of the main breadwinners who are employed as teachers. I also employed kinship diagrams to map the flow of intergenerational wealth transfers across the different families. I inquired into what constitutes wealth, what the emerging rules for sharing and transferring such wealth are, whether such forms of wealth are considered as gifts or not, and what relationships get formed or terminated upon the transfer of wealth. A key aspect was discovering whether the breadwinners self-identify as the middle class their occupations ascribe to them.
2016 Julia Munroe
Biography
Julia Munroe is a South Africa student completing her Anthropology Honours at the University of Cape Town under the supervision of Professor Fiona Ross. Her thesis research explores the work of an NGO which distributes washable sanitary pads to school girls and explores the politics of menstruation in the South African context. She is passionate about gender equality, reproductive health and sustainability.
‘7 Million Girls:’ Menstruation, Dignity and the Politics of Big Numbers
Menstruation is steeped in stigma and taboo thus the difficulties associated with menstrual management are commonly overlooked and under-discussed in South Africa’s public discourse and public policy. In 2011, the NGO the Sanitary Dignity Campaign asserted that in South Africa seven million girls miss a week of school every month because they cannot afford sanitary pads. I conducted ethnographic fieldwork with the Sanitary Dignity Campaign over a period of five months, tracing how this narrative successfully engendered and foregrounded a ‘cause’ in public imagination, attracting NGOs, government MPs, students and activists to join forces in the name of ‘7 million girls’. This paper argues that the significant success of this campaign is twofold: regardless of the ‘truth value’ of the statistic of seven million, framing girls’ menstrual-related difficulties in terms of a ‘big number’ rendered the issue quantifiable and therefore ‘real’ in the eyes of a society which takes statistics as objective and ‘factual’. Secondly, by discussing a stigmatised, menstrual-related issue in terms of girls’ dignity and education the Sanitary Dignity Campaign’s narrative ‘sanitised’ a previously ‘unsanitary’ issue by rather framing it in terms girls’ constitutional rights and the contravention thereof. As a result of these processes, I argue, we can see the emergence of a greater awareness of a ‘gendered citizen’ and what such citizens might need in order for their basic constitutional rights to be met.
Vol. 37 Issuse 1/2 - 2014
From the editor's desk
Welcome to Anthropology Southern Africa 2014
Heike Becker, Ilana van Wyk & Kathleen Lorne McDougall
pages 1-2
SPECIAL SECTION: Life, form, substance: anthropological investigations
Life, form, substance: anthropological investigations
Fiona C. Ross
pages 3-6
Exit/Exist: Gregory Maqoma's dance and the call to life
Patricia C. Henderson
pages 7-18
Abstract
The paper explores life-giving qualities of creativity and self-stylisation in the performance art and dance of contemporary South African choreographer Gregory Maqoma. Placing his performance Exit/Exist in conversation with social theories of becoming, desire and futurity explored in the work of anthropologists Elizabeth Povinelli and Henrietta Moore, and the philosopher Elizabeth Grosz, the paper gestures towards a vitalist understanding of sociality. The approach suggests potentiality rather than limitation, fragmentation and depletion. In the face of a neo-liberal world order and the lingering influence of apartheid history, much of South African social analysis continues to reiterate forms of structural violence that constrain lives. Such an emphasis cannot account for the ways in which individuals sometimes force celebratory and defiant images of themselves into the public realm, issuing into being new publics, locally and abroad.
Subjects: creativity, dance, memory, potentiality, self-stylisation
Just living: genealogic, honesty and the politics of apartheid time
Kathleen Lorne McDougall
pages 19-29
Abstract
“We were just living,” I was told of growing up an Afrikaner as apartheid was born. Is it possible for living at this time to be anything but political? To say “we were just living” of being an Afrikaner at this time is a political statement as much as a claim to there being a time outside of politics, a claim to being apolitical. Based on fieldwork with Afrikaner genealogists, genetic disease scientists and separatists, this paper considers the deliberative constitution of a time outside “the political” that is, nevertheless, always already political. This is a creative time that makes it possible to change history and express changed political points of view. It can also be a space for disingenuous disavowal of the aggressive nature of apartheid, and the history of present-day privilege. Genealogic suggests that the imbrication of life and politics be thought of in terms of temporality, and in relation to conceptions of history, destiny, contingency and honesty.
Subjects: Afrikaner, culture, genealogy, historiography, life, politics, post-apartheid, temporality
Knowledge of life: health, strength and labour in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
Thomas Cousins
pages 30-41
Abstract
The article examines the production of new modes of calculation, calibration and measurement of bodies at work in the timber plantations of northern KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa — modes that echo older, diverse technologies of self and health while producing new ways of talking about the body and its social context. I describe two sets of substances that augment wellbeing for those who work the plantations, one in the form of a nutrition intervention and the other a class of popular curatives that operate in the registers of traditional medicine, vitamin supplement, and herbal tonic. I track the concepts and techniques of measurement, calibration and intervention in this locale in order to understand how they employ and generate ideas about culture, history, and wellbeing to produce new populations available for labour — as timber plantation labourers and as compliant HIV surveillance subjects.
Subjects: health, life, labour, measurement, vitalism
Vol. 36 Issue 1/2 - 2013
The politics and aesthetics of commemoration: national days in southern Africa
Heike Becker & Carola Lentz
pages 1-10
Abstract
The contributions to the special section in this issue study recent independence celebrations and other national days in South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Madagascar and the Democratic Republic of Congo. They explore the role of national days in state-making and nation-building, and examine the performativity of nationalism and the role of performances in national festivities. Placing the case studies in a broader, comparative perspective, the introduction first discusses the role of the state in national celebrations, highlighting three themes: firstly, the political power-play and contested politics of memory involved in the creation of a country's festive calendar; secondly, the relationship between state control of national days and civic or popular participation or contestation; and thirdly, the complex relationship between regional and ethnic loyalties and national identifications. It then turns to the role of performance and aesthetics in the making of nations in general, and in national celebrations in particular. Finally, we look at the different formats and meanings of national days in the region and address the question whether there is anything specific about national days in southern Africa as compared to other parts of the continent or national celebrations world-wide.
Subjects: Southern Africa, national days, nationalism, national celebrations, performance, aesthetics
Public holidays as lieux de mémoire: nation-building and the politics of public memory in South Africa
Sabine Marschall
pages 11-21
Abstract
This article engages with public holidays in post-apartheid South Africa as lieux de mémoire, ‘sites of memory’ that preserve particular interpretations of historical events and selected heroes for inscription into the collective memory of the nation. It first traces the legislative process that resulted in the official rearrangement of the festive calendar after the 1994 first general elections, exploring the political and pragmatic considerations that influenced the selection of public holidays. Based on a survey conducted in the Durban area, the paper then engages with the public reception of the new festive calendar and the knowledge that people of different demographic backgrounds appear to have about the historical events commemorated. It is argued that the creation of the post-apartheid festive calendar reflects the spirit of the tense transition period with its concern for tolerance, reconciliation and national unity, but that these national holidays have largely failed as memory sites and instruments of nation-building.
Subjects: South Africa, post-apartheid, public holidays, lieu de mémoire, memory, nation
‘Zimbabwe will never be a colony again’: changing celebratory styles and meanings of independence
Wendy Willemsa
pages 22-33
Abstract
As part of a revival of cultural nationalism, state-led national-day celebrations intensified in Zimbabwe in the early 2000s through the introduction of popular music events alongside the traditional official, militarised ceremony. Independence Day, in particular, provided ZANU-PF with an excellent opportunity to mediate a narrow version of the ‘party-nation’ that defined ‘Zimbabweanness’ in terms of everything that the growing opposition Movement for Democratic Change was not. The appropriation of national-day celebrations for party-political purposes turned these events into highly controversial and contested ceremonies. In this article, I focus both on the changing aesthetics, modes and styles of Independence Day celebrations in Zimbabwe, and the way in which meanings of independence have been rewritten and contested in recent years. The malleability of national days made it possible for ZANU-PF to adjust both the style and meaning of Independence Day to suit a new context. In the early 1980s, ‘independence’ referred to the struggle to escape from the Rhodesian colonial yoke, but in the early 2000s ZANU-PF began to interpret ‘independence’ primarily as economic freedom and as the continuing battle to remain free from the intervention of external actors such as the MDC—a party it considered to be driven by the interests of the United States, Europe and white farmers. While the protocol of the official Independence Day ceremony was tightly controlled, a number of spaces opened up in the early 2000s that enabled Zimbabweans to debate their history and heritage via alternative channels, such as political party websites and in private newspapers, which underlines the crucial role of both old and new media in collective memory.
Subjects: Africa, Zimbabwe, national days, cultural nationalism, independence, new media
From ‘One Namibia, one Nation’ towards ‘Unity in Diversity’? Shifting representations of culture and nationhood in Namibian Independence Day celebrations, 1990–2010
Michael Uusiku Akuupa & Godwin Kornes
pages 34-46
Abstract
In 2010 Namibia celebrated its twentieth anniversary of independence from South African rule. The main celebrations in the country's capital Windhoek became the stage for an impressively orchestrated demonstration of maturing nationhood, symbolically embracing postcolonial policy concepts such as ‘national reconciliation’, ‘unity’ and ‘diversity’. At the same time, nation building in post-apartheid Namibia is characterised by a high degree of social and political fragmentation that manifests itself in cultural and/or ethnic discourses of belonging. Taking the highly significant independence jubilee as our vantage point, we map out a shift of cultural representations of the nation in Independence Day celebrations since 1990, embodied by the two prominent slogans of ‘One Namibia, one Nation’ and ‘Unity in Diversity’. As we will argue, the difficult and at times highly fragile postcolonial disposition made it necessary for the SWAPO government, as primary nation builder, to accommodate the demands of regions and local communities in its policy frameworks. This negotiation of local identifications and national belonging in turn shaped, and continues to shape, the performative dimension of Independence Day celebrations in Namibia.
Subjects: Namibia, Swapo, national day, Independence Day, national commemoration, cultural nationalism, unity in diversity, Kavango, Omaheke
National days between commemoration and celebration: remembering 1947 and 1960 in Madagascar
Mareike Späth & Helihanta Rajaonarison
pages 47-57
Abstract
Today Madagascar officially celebrates two national holidays. 29 March is dedicated to the memory of anticolonial resistance in 1947, the commemoration of the dead and the decoration of surviving combatants. 26 June in contrast is celebrated as Madagascar's return to independence in 1960 with parades, cultural performances, singing and dancing. But consecutive governments have altered state politics of commemoration and non-state actors have influenced the way in which 1947 and 1960 are remembered.
This study of national days in Madagascar offers an interpretation of the different ways the two key events of national history have been remembered within the fifty years since Independence. Looking into complexities of commemorative practices we question the juxtaposition of commemorating sad events and celebrating joyful ones. Commemoration and celebration make up two poles of a continuum on which the valence memory-making can be placed. We notice that both ends are manifest in nationwide commemorative activities and thus allow for diverging narratives and keep the nation's sentiments between mourning and rejoicing in balance. To illustrate this argument we explore the interrelationship and interdependency of the said national days in Madagascar.
To consider different activities between celebration and commemoration to remember 1947 and 1960 we analyse historical and anthropological data of official and private Malagasy commemorative practises with respect to their polyvalence, flexibility and versatility.
Subjects: Madagascar, national holiday, insurrection of 1947, independence, memory, commemoration, celebration
The drama(s) of Independence Day: reflections on political affects and aesthetics in Kinshasa (2010)
Katrien Pype
pages 58-67
Abstract
On June 30 2010, in Kinshasa, a “drama” unfolded as the military march was abruptly interrupted by street children intermingling and enacting ndombolo-inspired dances in front of the president. Police and soldiers started beating up people; the state radio and television channels aborted the live broadcasts; and people were urged to return home. The order and discipline that the military march had expressed, had in a few seconds given way to chaos.
I take this “drama” as a case to study political sensibilities in contemporary Kinshasa. The main premise is that performances are not merely ‘representations’, but are also crucial events within the circulation of feelings and affects. Therefore, both political aesthetics and affects involved in this ‘drama of Independence Day’ will be studied. I first juxtapose the various aesthetics at play in the independence festivities, both performed in the défilé (military-inspired aesthetics) and afterwards (the ‘popular’, sexually explicit dances); and then analyse the ways in which these performances and reactions express different senses of ‘nationhood’ and different relations to the state.
Subjects: DR Congo, youth, dance, media, resistance, propaganda, public ritual
Beyond ethical imperatives in South African anthropology: morally repugnant and unlikeable subjects
Ilana van Wyk
pages 68-79
Abstract
In this article, I argue that anthropologists' dislike of their subjects in the field poses both epistemological and ethical questions that go beyond concerns about harming or exploiting those we study, about maintaining human relationships, or about the self-reflexivity and competence of individual anthropologists. While dislike threatens the very basis of our claims to know and to engage in proper ethical relationships with those we study, I argue that acknowledged and interrogated, dislike need not prevent research among ‘unlikeable’ or morally ‘repugnant’ Others. Indeed, as South African anthropologists move away from theoretical concerns with structure, the question of dislike could become more common.
Subjects: South African anthropology, fieldwork methodology, ethics, moral repugnance, self-reflexivity, Christian Fundamentalism
Leading while being led: developing the developer at a Catholic NGO in Cape Town
Grant A. Fore
pages 80-90
Abstract
The paper uses ethnographic data about the religious ethics undergirding the discourse and practices of development agents at Catholic Welfare and Development (CWD), a faith-based NGO in Cape Town, South Africa. It explores how the dynamic interrelation between faith and ethics permeated the development encounter and produced particular modalities for the ethical/moral development of the subjectivities of CWD's developers. Informed by their own experiences of development, developers attempted to ‘develop’ those they considered to be beneficiaries. The paper argues, and provides evidence to demonstrate that, through the shared experience of development as an interpersonal and intersubjective encounter, both developers and beneficiaries were developed, while they also developed each other. It goes on to suggest that this finding challenges the binary representation of development relationships (developer/beneficiary) and that-despite the asymmetry of the reciprocities involved-it is misleading to think in such dichotomous terms, precisely because doing that misrepresents the power and agency wielded by each subject position in every development encounter.
Subjects: Development, religion, ethics, intersubjectivity, agency, empowerment, participation
Book Reviews
Justin Dixon, Ilana van Wyk, Heike Becker & Denver Davids
pages 91-97
ASNA Submissions
Instructions for authors (download)
More detailed information can be found on the journal's website https://www.tandfonline.com/journals/rasa20
Editorial Policy
Anthropology Southern Africa (ASNA) welcomes the submission of papers based on original research that deal with broadly defined anthropological issues in Southern Africa. Preference is given to submissions presenting new empirical material and novel theoretical or methodological directions in the region. Authors are encouraged to write in a style accessible to non-specialists. Submissions are considered for publication on the understanding that the author offers ASNA an exclusive option to publish and that the paper is not currently under consideration for publication elsewhere. All our research articles are refereed and we endeavour to ensure that the review process is completed within a three-month period. The views and opinions expressed in papers are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the journal or its editors. Anthropology Southern Africa accepts reviews of recently published ethnographies, edited volumes or books that deal with issues in Southern Africa. We prioritise reviews of books by members of the Anthropology Southern Africa association and ethnographies sited in Africa. We occasionally publish commentaries that further the discussion of important topics.
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To assure the integrity, dissemination, and protection against copyright infringement of published articles, you will be asked to assign us, via a Publishing Agreement, the copyright in your article. “Your article” is defined as the final, definitive, and citable Version of Record, and includes: (a) the accepted manuscript in its final form, including the abstract, text, bibliography, and all accompanying tables, illustrations, data; and (b) any supplemental material hosted by Taylor & Francis. Our Publishing Agreement with you will constitute the entire agreement and the sole understanding between you and us; no amendment, addendum, or other communication will be taken into account when interpreting your and our rights and obligations under this Agreement.
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Research articles should be no longer than 8 000 words (including the abstract, all figures, references and notes).
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Book reviews should not exceed 1 500 words and must include, as title: name and surname of book author, date of publication, book title, place of publication, publisher, length of the book and published price.
Commentaries should be up to 3 000 words. They are reviewed by the editors and published at their discretion.
Special themed sections: The submission of proposals for special themed sections is welcomed. Organisers or special editors of these sections should send a brief proposal, including a section abstract (200–300 words), a list of contributors and titles, and brief abstracts of each contribution (100 words each). Include full contact details of the corresponding author. The editorial team will evaluate such proposals and endeavour to liaise with the proposed special editor within a month of the proposal submission.
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Submit two copies of the manuscript, one anonymised and the other with the author details.
Titles of research articles must not be longer than 15 words and must contain sufficient information for use in title lists or for coding purposes to store or retrieve information.
Abstracts and keywords: Abstracts of research articles (max. 200 words) must reflect the contents of the text faithfully and concisely, and be suitable for separate publication and indexing. Abstracts of commentaries must be limited to one or two sentences. All submissions require five to seven keywords.
Text: Pages must be numbered sequentially. Headings should not be numbered or underlined, but main headings and secondary headings must be distinguished from each other, e.g., by case, bold, font, etc. Footnotes or endnotes may be used. Acknowledgements and a reference list should be placed at the end of the article. Artificial intelligence: An author is any person who has made a significant contribution to a journal article. Authors share responsibility and accountability for the results of the published research. All authors are wholly responsible for the originality, validity and integrity of the content of their submissions. Therefore, artificial intelligence does not meet the criteria for authorship.
Artificial intelligence: tools may be used in the production of scholarly document summaries and other preparatory tasks. We do not encourage the use of these tools in the writing of academic papers. Authors submitting to ASNA confirm that the final paper has not been generated by such tools.
Style Guidelines:
Manuscripts should be written in clear English (UK spelling with -ise endings). Consult the Oxford English Dictionary for spelling, capitalisation, hyphenation and abbreviation conventions. Please consult a recent copy of the journal for general style conventions.
The journal uses the Chicago Author–Date referencing system and style. A comprehensive guide is available at https://files.taylorandfrancis.com/tf_chicagoad.pdf Some reference exemplars are shown below.
In-text references: References to publications should be included in the text, not in footnotes. They should be given by the name of the author, the year of publication, and the page number, e.g.: “... as Sapir (1921, 39) has noted, ...”
Book: Wolpe, H. 1988. Race, Class and the Apartheid State. Trenton: Africa World Press.
Chapter in book: Okley, J. 1992. “Anthropology and Autobiography: Participatory Experience and Embodied Knowledge.” In Anthropology and Autobiography, edited by J. Okley and H. Callaway, 1–28. London: Routledge.
Edited work: Tonkin, E., M. McDonald, and M. Chapman, eds. 1989. History and Ethnicity. London: Routledge.
Reprinted work: Schmitt, C. (1932) 2007. The Concept of the Political. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Journal article: Wels, H., K. van der Waal, A. Spiegel, and F. Kamsteeg. 2011. Victor Turner and Liminality: An Introduction. Anthropology Southern Africa 34 (1–2): 1–4. https://doi.org/10.1080/23323256.2011.11500002
Page Fees for Authors Affiliated to South African Institutions
Anthropology Southern Africa (ASNA) is on the DHET list of accredited journals. Page fees for articles written by researchers attached to South African academic institutions will be requested from earnings on research outputs to help sustain the journal’s operations. Authors are not expected to pay for their articles themselves, but should approach their university to do so on their behalf. Supervisors should do so on behalf of their postgraduate students. The journal’s acceptance of contributions for publication does not depend, however, on the willingness of institutions to pay. Page fees are R226/page. In co-authored papers, authors are invoiced according to their share of the authorship (e.g., half each for two authors). Page fees are invoiced by the Anthropology Southern Africa association after publication of the paper.
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Editorial Contact
Editorial assistant (asaedassistant@gmail.com)
Editorial Board
ASnA Editorial Collective
Editors
Leah Junck (African Observatory on Responsible AI, South Africa), South Africa
Tarminder Kaur (University of Johannesburg), South Africa
Efua Prah (University of Johannesburg), South Africa
Book Review Editor
Hameedah Parker (University of the Western Cape), South Africa
Translator
Juliana Braz Dias (University of Brasília), Brazil
Editorial Board
Sophie Chevalier (Université de Picardie Jules Verne), France
Teresa Connor (University of Fort Hare), South Africa
Sylvia Croese (University of California-Irvine), United States
Gregor Dobler (Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg), Germany
Joost Fontein (University of Johannesburg), South Africa
Divine Fuh (University of Cape Town), South Africa
Claudia Gastrow (University of Johannesburg), South Africa
Kelly Gillespie (University of the Western Cape), South Africa
Simbarashe Gukurume (Sol Plaatje University), South Africa
Pamila Gupta (University of the Free State), South Africa
Rita Kesselring (University of Basel), Switzerland
Thomas Kirsch (Universität Konstanz), Germany
Gilson Lázaro (Agostinho Neto University), Angola
Lenore Manderson (University of the Witwatersrand), South Africa
Sandra Manuel (Eduardo Mondlane University), Mozambique
Godfrey Maringira (Sol Plaatje University), South Africa
Fraser McNeill (University of Pretoria), South Africa
Katerina Mildnerova (Palacky University), Czech Republic
Sethunya Mosime (University of Botswana), Botswana
Maheshvari Naidu (University of KwaZulu-Natal), South Africa
Romie Nghitevelekwa (University of Namibia), Namibia
Julia Pauli (University of Hamburg), Germany
Octavia Sibanda (For Hare University), South Africa
Shaheed Tayob (Stellenbosch University), South Africa
Christian Williams (University of the Free State), South Africa
Honorary Editorial Board members
Jean Comaroff (Harvard University), United States
James Ferguson (Stanford University), United States
Robert Gordon (University of the Free State), South Africa
Deborah James (London School of Economics and Political Science), London
Francis Nyamnjoh (University of Cape Town), South Africa
Ross Parsons (Africa University, retired), Zimbabwe
Andrew “Mugsy” Spiegel (University of Cape Town), South Africa
Fiona Ross (University of Cape Town), South Africa
Richard Werbner (University of Manchester), United Kingdom
Updated May 2024
Welcome to Anthropology Southern Africa
About ASnA
Anthropology Southern Africa is the professional association for social anthropologists living and working in Southern Africa. We represent members in seven Southern African countries. ASnA organises the largest anthropological conference in southern Africa and collaborates with other anthropological organisations across the continent, and world. We provide a venue for publishing academic papers via our journal Anthropology Southern Africa. Our mandate is to:
- Promote anthropology in southern Africa.
- Support anthropological research.
- Disseminate anthropological knowledge in the academic milieu and to the wider public.
Anthropology Southern Africa
Formerly the South African Journal of Ethnology (1994–2001), the journal changed name and focus in 2002 and is published under the auspices of the Anthropology Southern Africa association. Since 2014, Anthropology Southern Africa (ASnA) has been co-published by Taylor and Francis and NISC on behalf of the association.
Every member of the association receives a copy of the journal, either a hard copy or in online format.
- ASnA Submission guidelines
- ASnA Editorial board
- ASnA Archive
Contact Us
For general information about ASnA, please contact its President, William Ellis.
Please forward any news and events to admin@asnahome.org